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The Conservatarian Manifesto: Libertarians, Conservatives, and the Fight for the Right's Future, by Charles C.W. Cooke
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A call to arms for the growing movement of “Conservatarians”—members of the right who are fiscally conservative but socially liberal—and a fascinating look at conservatism’s past and future.
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There is an underserved movement budding among conservatives, in which fiscal responsibility, constitutional obedience, and controlled government spending remain crucial tenets, but issues like gay marriage and drug control are approached with a libertarian bent.
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In The Conservatarian Manifesto, Charles C.W. Cooke engages with the data and the philosophy behind this movement, applauding conservatarianism as a force that can help Republicans mend the many ills that have plagued their party in recent years. Conservatarians are vexed by Republicans’ failure to cut the size and scope of Washington D.C., but they are critical of some libertarians for their unacceptable positions on abortion, national defense, and immigration. They applaud conservatives’ efforts to protect Second Amendment rights—efforts that have recently been wildly successful—but they see the War on Drugs as an unmitigated disaster that goes against everything conservatives ought to value.
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All movements run the risk of stagnation, and of losing touch with the principles and values that made them successful in the first place. In this book, Charles Cooke shows the way back to a better and more honest conservatism that champions limited government, reality-based policy, and favor for the smallest minority of all: the individual.
- Sales Rank: #240012 in Books
- Brand: Cooke, Charles C. W.
- Published on: 2015-03-10
- Released on: 2015-03-10
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.53" h x .84" w x 5.75" l, 1.25 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 256 pages
Review
"Well-written and vital."
-Tyler Cowen, bestselling author of The Great Stagnation
"Superbly well written and argued and deeply insightful. I found it particularly so on what I take to be the overarching policy implication of Cooke’s argument: the need for localism and decentralization to serve as core principles of the Right’s approach to the role of government and its case for limits on that role. This is a timeless truth that is nonetheless especially timely in 21st-century America."
-Yuval Levin, National Review
"First-rate...A�summons to conservatives to unite around the “timeless principles” that inform the American founding. In applying those principles to a host of prominent issues of public policy, [Cooke] demonstrates refreshing common sense, a confident command of empirical realities, and savvy political judgment."
-Peter Berkowitz, Real Clear Politics
"Quite good...Can conservatives appeal to the folks who are tired of the shrillest voices telling them what to watch and how to live their lives? Probably not,�if folks like Mike Huckabee�have their way. But if the future belongs to the Charles C.W. Cookes of the world? Well, then maybe we have a shot."
-Sonny Bunch, Washington Free Beacon
"Essential reading...Artfully weaving hard data (without descending into pedantic statistical lists) with relevant history, Cooke produces several compelling arguments covering an array of topic. Unlike books that dabble in theory but provide no realistically applicable suggestions,�The Conservatarian Manifesto�goes beyond thoughtful ponderance and illuminates a pathway forward."
-Legal Insurrection
"For the growing number of us who have been straddling both conservatism and libertarianism -- with neither one offering a complete prescription for the right-leaning worldview -- Conservatarianism has arrived. Here, it is examined and argued brilliantly by the ever-astute and witty Charles C. W. Cooke. Prepare to hear The Conservatarian Manifesto cited quite a bit as we head towards 2016."
–S.E. Cupp, host of CNN’s Crossfire, author of Losing Our Religion and Why You’re Wrong About the Right
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“Can conservatives and libertarians find common ground and forge the next American political realignment? In this lively and provocative debut, Charles C. W. Cooke offers an unflinching, polemic-free diagnosis of the issues on which conservatives and libertarians agree (limited government, gun rights) and—more importantly—disagree (the drug wars, foreign policy, and immigration). �Whether you lean conservative or libertarian, Cooke’s clear-eyed manifesto is an important read for anyone who wants to preserve and future-proof the Founders’ vision.”
–David Burge, Iowahawk blogger
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“Charles C. W. Cooke is the most eloquent young voice for personal and political freedom on either side of the Atlantic. From the public square to the marriage altar, he makes the case for the most important of all rights—the right to hold unpopular views, to make unpopular choices, and even to be wrong.”
-Kevin D. Williamson, correspondent at National Review, author of The End Is Near and It’s Going to Be Awesome
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“With the liberal project discredited by the Obama years, The Conservatarian Manifesto makes a strong case as to why -- and how -- libertarians and conservatives can work together.� Must-reading for the current political era.”
–Glenn Reynolds, blogger at InstaPundit.com and columnist at USA Today
About the Author
CHARLES C.W. COOKE is a writer at�National Review and a graduate of the University of Oxford, at which he studied modern history and politics. His work has focused especially on Anglo-American history, British liberty, free speech, the Second Amendment, and American exceptionalism. Charles is the cohost of the Mad Dogs and Englishmen podcast, and has broadcast for HBO (Real Time with Bill Maher), BBC, MSNBC, Fox News, The Blaze, CNBC, CTV, ABC, Sun News, and CBS. In addition to National Review, his writing has also been published by the New York Times,�National Interest, the Washington Times, and the New York Post.
Most helpful customer reviews
54 of 67 people found the following review helpful.
Bringing libertarian principles to conservative thinking
By Paul Mastin
Conservative icon President Ronald Reagan famously said, "The very heart and soul of conservatism is libertarianism." Charles C.W. Cooke buys that view and develops the idea of conservatism and libertarianism blending together in The Conservatarian Manifesto: Libertarians, Conservatives, and the Fight for the Right's Future. Using common sense and providing examples from a number of different policy areas, Cooke provides a framework for reviving conservative electoral hopes and popular appeal by drawing from libertarian thinking.
As a writer for National Review, Cooke's conservative credentials are solid. As a Brit living in the U.S., he has a healthy outsider/insider perspective on American history and politics. To him, a guiding principle of conservatarian thinking is decentralization. "If there is a conservatarian ideology, its primary tenet should be to render the American framework of government as free as possible and to decentralize power, returning the important fights to where they belong; which the people who are affect by their conclusions and who are therefore best equipped to resolve them."
In "valuing the local over the national," conservatives and libertarians share common ground, echoing a federalist view. Other than those few government functions that call for broad application, such as national defense, government at the local level is best suited to make decisions. Should someone in Washington, D.C. make final decisions about the curriculum content of a classroom in El Paso? About the type of fertilizer a farmer in Omaha uses? About the price of gasoline in California?
In other area, such as civil rights, education, and government services, conservatives and libertarians can and should find common ground. Cooke discusses policies with liberty as the bottom line, with an eye toward practical application. He takes a traditionally conservative stance on abortion, as the taking of a human life, but a more libertarian position on gay marriage, asking, Why not? What's the big deal? Drug legalization, he argues, is an issue best left to state and local governance.
A mistake that libertarians make is that "its adherents . . . pretend that they are dealing with a blank slate. They are not." If you've spent time around libertarians, you will certainly agree with this point. There is a real detachment from the real world. Cooke's approach is to look at the world as it is, and apply conservatarian principles in a practical way.
Cooke is insightful and engaging, and is sure to win some converts, or at the very least, spark some thinking and conversation. I don't see many conservatives buying into gay marriage, but he makes a good point: that argument is already lost in the culture at large, and perhaps a better use of political capital would be to focus on abortion. The current system that "has not just entrenched the right of a mother to kill her child, but given institutional succor to the idea that a life is only a life if the mother says it is a life."
The Republican Party and conservatism at large has long been suffering from a lack of principled arguments in favor of smaller government and more dispersed governmental power. Although those in power, even so-called conservatives, are loathe to reverse course, one can hope that Cooke's voice will be heard among those who constantly seek to expand the power of the federal government.
Thanks to Edelweiss and the publisher for the complimentary electronic review copy!
75 of 98 people found the following review helpful.
Cooke Wants Federalism, Not So Much Liberty: a Libertarian Review of the Conservatarian Manifesto
By Kevin Currie-Knight
I have to imagine that I am part of the primary audience for this book: I am a libertarian who at one point thought i might be a conservative, but have long since given up on the idea that I could find a home in the Republican Party. (The other audience seems to be conservatives who think they might be a bit libertarian.) While I laud Charles Cooke's efforts to articulate some sort of 'conservatarian' fusion, I left the book unconvinced. Ever since
First, the good. I applaud Cooke's chapters on gun rights and the drug war, and namely, his pointing out that the typical republican position - yes to the former AND the latter - is somewhat contradictory. When guns come up, Republicans quite often extol the virtues of individual liberty and warn against the dangers of governmental infringement of those rights. But when it comes to the drug war, way too many Republicans go the opposite direction: we know what is morally right (not doing drugs) and we will gladly allow government to bloat if it means enforcing that. Cooke argues that it is time for Republicans to see just how much the war on drugs had contributed to the big government they say they don't want.
The chapters on "social issues" is decent. Here, Cooke writes about the issues of abortion, gay (marriage) rights, and drugs. We've already covered this last one. On the first of these, Cooke argues that a pro-life approach needs to stress (as if it hasn't) that a right to life is the issue, not whether women's choice is to be taken away. Cooke's point is that too often, "the left" dictates the discussion and makes it about whether a woman should be free to choose. "The right" he says, needs to keep adamant that the real issue needs to be whether one should have the right to choose to end a life. (Full disclosure: I am relatively pro-choice, but abortion is one issue I am somewhat 'agnostic' on, because I don't think any one side captures all of the good arguments.) The last 'social issue' is gay rights, and I am wholly unimpressed. Cooke is a supporter of gay (marriage) rights, as am I. But instead of arguing - as journalists like Jonathan Rauch has - that there is strong reason for any supporter of individual liberty to support gay marriage, Cooke suggests that conservatarians should support it because, eh, there is no good reason not to and it isn't a terribly important issue. Not exactly a reason I'd expect from a supporter of individual liberty.
Now, we come to the big disagreement between Cooke and I (and I have to imagine a good many libertarians). The first few chapters of the book make the case not for a return of individual liberty or small government, but for local government. Local government and small government are not the same thing at all. Local government is good because it increases the likelihood that people can exercise some control of government because government is close to them. But that doesn't in any way translate to small government or individual liberty. To give an obvious example, suppose that Cooke got his way, and now he is trying to convince me that Vermont's (imaginary) bill mandating a huge welfare state that gives the state 75% of everyone's income is not so bad because, hey, the government is local. Or that Arkansas's (imaginary) decision to pass a law demanding that gays cannot hold public office is not so bad because at least the government is close enough that concerned people could mount a local campaign. In both cases, I am much more concerned with how these plans violate liberty than I am about what kind of government mechanisms are available to try and get the law changed.
And honestly, 'local government' is really Cooke's big case, not individual liberty. I leave the book thinking that a more accurate title might have been the "Conservafederalist manifesto," because liberty is not the big concern here; federalism is. In the end, leaving a host of issues to states may well be better than creating a 'one size fits all" standardized policy throughout the nation. But in the end, there is not much great difference between No Child Left Behind at the state level and Common Core at the national level, at least if your concern is individual liberty and freedom to choose, or between a federal ban on 'assault weapons' and state bans on them.
And that is why I think I can safely speak for a good many libertarians in saying that Cooke's case will likely be unpersuasive to the libertarian audience for this book.
26 of 35 people found the following review helpful.
“The very heart and soul of conservatism is libertarianism”
By H. P.
The Conservatarian Manifesto is a book that I should have really, really liked. Cooke may be my number one must-read journalist right now. I could fairly be described as a conservatarian (a neologism that flows off the tongue a bit better than conservative-libertarian). I’m also adamant that conservatism and libertarianism are reconcilable and that the modern American Right is evidence of that. The message couldn’t be more timely after fourteen years of suffering through a big government Republican and an EVEN BIGGER government Democrat in the White House. He uses an oxford comma in the sub-title. But, sitting down to write this review a few weeks after reading the book (I received an advanced copy through NetGalley), I remember precious little about it.
I don’t know that I can do The Conservatarian Manifesto justice. Cooke speaks to the backlash against George W. Bush’s embrace of big government. He discusses the marked trend toward a libertarian position in a couple areas (gay marriage and drug legalization). He would seem to seek to reconcile conservatism and libertarianism, although he doesn’t really dwell on the topic. He mentions Reform Conservatism, but I’m not sure how it fits into his message. He walks through a number of topics and includes a rousing defense of the American constitutional system. There is a lot of good stuff that somehow winds up less than the sum of its parts.
Cooke covers guns (he’s pro-gun, but as perhaps National Review’s most eloquent defender of the Second Amendment, he’s surprisingly wishy-washy here), drugs (he sees a problem with both the militarization of our police and with setting drug policy at the federal level), gay marriage (his main point is that the battle is lost), abortion (“[T]here is no ‘libertarian’ or ‘moderate’ case against the prohibition of murder”), and immigration (he comes out staunchly in favor of restricting it). He points out the problem of talking about being “socially liberal,” especially when young people do it, is that it tends to mean only socially liberal on two or three issues, such as gay marriage and marijuana. The problem with his point is that while young people tend to be socially liberal on only a couple issues, that makes them illiberal on pretty much everything else, which makes small government in defense of liberty an awfully tough sell. Cooke also makes the oft-forgotten point that foreign policy is not a binary choice between isolationism and neoconservatism.
But it is when Cooke is making a spirited defense of looking to the Founding of our country that he is at his best. “Just as a scholar of Shakespeare must understand the Elizabethan era, anyone who believes in the American rule of law must inevitably acquaint himself with the late eighteenth century—with the prevailing ideologies, the linguistic norms, the political fights, the hopes and the fears of its leading players, and the circumstances that impelled them to write down some ground rules in the first place.” A common retort from the Left is to highlight the sins of the Founding Fathers—on slavery, on gender, etc. Cooke responds that “[a]ny honest critique of the American Revolution must . . . do three things: First it must compare the values that it established to those that were prevalent elsewhere at the time; second, it must take into account the consequences of those values; and third, it must evaluate their longevity. On all three counts, I consider the Founding to be a triumph.” He’s right. And American progress, when it is truly that, has always been about fulfilling the promise of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. The “history of the United States has been a slow history of recompense—not of fixing fundamental problems with what remains a remarkable and relevant piece of work, but of augmenting access to its protections.” Martin Luther King, Jr. didn’t seek to tear down the system; he demanded it be expanded to protect the liberty of everyone. To that end, “the significant postbellum alterations to the American constitutional settlement have been expansive, not restrictive.”
Disclosure: I received a free copy of The Conservatarian Manifesto via NetGalley.
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